For Melanesians, every man's story begins with where he's from. This is Sir Michael Somare country, near the mouth of the Sepik River. These remote lakes and swamps were his childhood home and a base for the Japanese army.
It was in these mangroves that his mother buried him to survive the Allied bombings. The same swamp is home to the crocodile that killed his sister.
It's still a hard place to get in or out of - no roads and four hours by boat to the outside world. It's the first stop in a week I spend with one of the key leaders of Papua New Guinea's independence movement and its first prime minister. Sir Michael Somare, a saltwater man from Karau village, Murik Lakes.
At 69, Somare is in charge once more but out here he's barely acknowledged as the prime minister. Nor is he being welcomed today as the father of independence.
Out here, he carries a more important title - the chief, like his father before him.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE, PNG PRIME MINISTER: Yes, yes, that's right. Here they see me as the chief than being a prime minister.

REPORTER: And that's a long line of chiefs, that's a hereditary title?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Yes, yes, that's right. I think it's disappearing. I don't know, I could be the last one or maybe one of my sons, but they, you know, they're all educated, they don't live in the village style, like I do. I come back home. Eventually, when I go, well, you know, they can do what they want.

Papua New Guinea is still largely made up of villages like Sir Michael Somare's. Cash poor and heavily reliant on gardens or the sea.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Foreign influence here has been, it has made a lot of impact but, you know, people still live the same way as they were before.

REPORTER: But they've all gone, all the armies have gone...

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: The armies have gone...the colonials have gone and we're still the same, still the same place you see. Nothing changes much.

Karau village is as good a place as any to consider what 30 years of self-rule has delivered.

REPORTER: In 1975 what did you imagine PNG would be like in 30 years time?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Well, I thought a lot of things would have changed, we would have industrial development everywhere, we would have got the people - village life, most villages would change because of the developments that were taking place, but people have decided they want to stay in the villages and there are some who are now scattered around, running to towns and so on and so forth but most people want to stay in the villages.
Good surfing when west wind comes.

REPORTER: In some ways you're lucky people did stay in the villages, do you think?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Yes, I think they are, you know, they don't face these things like, you know, paying for the electricity, paying for rent, paying for all this and that.

REPORTER: So 30 years later, are you disappointed or are you happy about the way the country's gone?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Well, I'm happy about the way things have gone but, you know, we could have done better.

The modernist dreams of the 1970s didn't quite come true in the villages of PNG, nor in Port Moresby.

POLICEMAN: The authorities on the ground are negotiating with the landowners who look after the power and the water supplies to Port Moresby.

The power has gone off again in the capital and the police are despatched to find out why. The breakdown of government services and the poverty of its departments are obvious enough, but the causes not always so.

POLICEMAN: This road is too steep. Very scary, too, when you look down.

REPORTER: I don't want to look down too much.

On the road to the Kokoda Track, traditional landowners have taken over the city's hydropower station, demanding compensation for a deal struck 40 years ago during Australian colonial times.

REPORTER: So what happened? You took over the power station?

LANDOWNER: We did a shutdown yesterday and then pending the outcome of the government.

REPORTER: But you've shut down all the power to Port Moresby?

LANDOWNER: Yeah, we did.

REPORTER: That's the power to Port Moresby and the water to Port Moresby.

LANDOWNER: That is correct, yep.

REPORTER: That's very tough, very tough.

The price of keeping existing infrastructure open, let alone embarking on new developments, can be crippling. In a way, the village and traditional landowners still rule PNG.

LANDOWNER: 17,506,000 kina. That is only for the Rouna 1, 3 Power Station, that has to be paid cash.

REPORTER: 17 million? That's about A$8 million, yes?

LANDOWNER: Right, right. OK.

REPORTER: You're going to be rich place. What do you do when you get landowners shutting down the power? Can you come and drag them off or not?

POLICEMAN: We not really drag them off but we try to negotiate and we try to make them see reason and put our things back on.

REPORTER: This must be very slow when this happens?

POLICEMAN: It's a very slow process.

PNG is a complex place to police and to govern. 30 years of independence hasn't delivered a nirvana but as Somare is keen to point out, it's anything but the lawless basketcase it's often presented as, an image that has kept Australians away in droves.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: No, that's your perception, that's your Australian perception about Papua New Guinea. You see you would not even...

Away from the village and on the subject of Australia, a far more animated Michael Somare emerges.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: That's why Australians are not travelling here. I mean Australians go to Bali, then they get attacked in Bali. They have not been attacked in Papua New Guinea. In any of our hotels, in Port Moresby when they land here or when they go on Kokoda Trail or they come trekking up here, have they been attacked? No. They go to Bali, they get attacked.

This 30th anniversary will not be one of fond celebrations between Australia and PNG. Somare believes Australia is seeking to take political control again and is prepared to totally destroy his country's reputation to get it.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Well, I think that they've got their own agenda. I mean, the Australian Government's got their agendas. They plug that line "We are threat".
My friend, you saw it yourself, it's not a bad place after all. You can come, do your business, leave and go, we will carry on with our job and the law and order question is plugged by Downer and by Australian Government saying that we are trouble makers up in this region.

REPORTER: Have those comments of Mr Downer's and John Howard's created damage for PNG's reputation?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: The moment a leader says something in any country, Australia or Papua New Guinea, people take it for granted when Australian PM speaks, and when Australian Foreign Minister speaks, paint an image about Papua New Guinea, everybody believes him.
I am very proud of my country and I want to say that, you know, yes, we have problems but we know how to handle our own situation. We don't need to be told how to we run our shows.

Prime ministers and other leaders from around the Pacific are gathering in the Highland's town of Goroka. It's the annual diplomatic meeting of the Melanesian nations - Fiji, the Solomons, PNG and Vanuatu. They call themselves the Melanesian Spearhead Group. In Australia, they're more often referred to as "the failing states of the Pacific". And all of them subjected to some blowtorch diplomacy by Australia in recent years under the Howard doctrine for the Pacific.

JOHN HOWARD, AUST. PRIME MINISTER: We know that a failed state in our region, on our doorstep will jeopardise our own security. The best thing we can do is to take remedial action and to take it now.

That remedial action has been to use the aid stick to place Australian advisers and police throughout the Pacific.
Fiji now has multiple layers of Australians within its government. The Solomons is virtually under complete Australian control. Attempts to penetrate Vanuatu have been less successful - contingents of Australian police twice expelled amidst allegations of spying and political interference.
And an attempt to deploy Australian police in PNG ended in failure. All the nations meeting here have reason to be cautious of Australia's ambitions. How to deal with Australia forms the background hum of the meetings.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: We want a plan that is acceptable to Pacific Islanders, not necessarily the plans that are imposed from outside and particularly from Australia.

REPORTER: What do you think Australia's plan is?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Their real intention is they want to have some controlling device in the whole region. They want to control the region so that the Prime Minister can go back and talk to Prime Minister of Britain and President of United States and say, "The Pacific is no problem, we're looking after it." I have a lot of time and respect for John, he's a good friend of mine, but I think the imposition of that kind of mentality in the Pacific amongst the Pacific leadership, you're undermining the integrity of the Pacific Island people.

MSG has changed as it has grown, it has come of age. The same is true of our respective countries. In this regard I am happy to say that the Melanesian countries are not weak or failed states, as some foreign observers might have us believe.

REPORTER: They've moved away from crime as a problem in PNG, now you are seen or portrayed as a security threat to Australia, potential failed state, a threat of terrorists, threat of drugs, threat of people smugglers.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: I would like to tell you, my friend, we are not a failed state. We can make it work. We've made it work for 30 years now. When we gained independence and I want to emphasise that, when we gained independence, there was no military coup in this country, there was no sabotage. Yes, there were change of governments. We had seven prime ministers. But we have no military coups like they have in African countries, like they have in other parts of the world. Never.

Australia's recent strategies of leveraging aid in the Pacific for political control may be about to hit a brick wall if Michael Somare has anything to do with it. And there should be no doubt about the influence he has throughout the region.

REPORTER: PNG, Solomons, Vanuatu, we want to exert influence.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Well, I can tell you now while I'm around that influence will not be exerted here.

REPORTER: What are your options if this government, or Australia pulls the plug, says you do it our way or there's no money, you'd be in a crisis?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Options would be that we would say yeah, thank you, we can start all over again like we started in independence, we started from nothing. We made Papua New Guinea click and we've made Papua New Guinea work and we've been successful. Of course they can pull the plug. It's their money. It's their taxpayers' money. We had an understanding they were going to help us but if they want to take it out, take it out for God's sake.

That is exactly what Australia did in May. More than 100 Australian Federal Police were withdrawn and an $800 million assistance program ended when PNG wouldn't change its constitution to provide legal immunity for the Australians.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: What is Australian Government frightened of? What sort of security you need for your officers?

REPORTER: Well, Australia's playing pretty hardball on this. They're saying you do it our way or it's the highway - they're going back.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: I don't really care. I say we have to work together but if they don't want it, if they want to take their program away, take it away. My foreign minister has come out, said that. We cannot change the constitution. Change the constitution because of security problem for your police coming up and working here.
We're not going to treat Australians who come and help us, treat them with contempt or kick them around the streets and go to their compounds and raid their compounds. Look, nobody is stupid around here.

In the same week that I was speaking with Somare, Australia's Foreign Minister, Alexander Downer, came to Port Moresby. At his welcoming breakfast and all subsequent meetings the most notable dignitary absent was Sir Michael Somare.

REPORTER: What sort of personal relationship do you have with Alexander Downer and John Howard?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: With John, I've known John years, when me was treasurer with Malcolm Fraser and I've known him long time. We have very good rapport we have a very good understanding with each other. I don't know Downer very well.

REPORTER: Do you talk with him? I mean does he -

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: We talk, yes, but I don't understand him. I've known all the Australian foreign ministers, people that I can pick up a phone and talk to them and they pick up a phone and say "Look, we're floating this concept, what do you think we should do?"

REPORTER: So there's no communication now? There's no picking up of the telephones?

Mr Downer has come to announce that, despite the constitutional rebuff, despite his concerns about the government, he wants to redeploy Australian police and advisors here, albeit in a smaller form.

ALEXANDER DOWNER, AUST. FOREIGN MINISTER: In the end we've decided that, from Australia's perspective, we'd like to keep the enhanced cooperation program. Where we are looking at having around 100 Australians working directly in different institutions here in PNG and that number could become significantly higher as time goes on, we'll just have to wait and see.

REPORTER: Australia seems particularly keen to do it. They are keen. Why?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: They are keen but I'm not keen to accept. Where can we go from there? If they are keen to do it, I'm not keen to do it, how can you impose that onto a sovereign state, sovereign nation? Imposition of your will upon the people, I would not go and impose my will upon Australians.

ALEXANDER DOWNER: I know that the ordinary people of Papua New Guinea, whatever elites may say, to use a word, the ordinary people of Papua New Guinea have been very supportive of the enhanced cooperation program. Look, I heard that there were local people who were in tears when the Australian police left.

Alexander Downer may be right, but it wasn't all hearts and roses when Australian police were working in PNG.

POLICEMAN: I'm not too sure what is the problem but probably general opinion that goes around that they didn't get along with the local policemen.

Before the Australians left over legal issues the police union had already called for their removal, claiming that crime had worsened since their arrival. And the police commissioner had shut down the Australian's satellite communications on the advice of his National Security Council.
Later in the night, the police open up a little more regarding what their concerns about the Australians were.

REPORTER: Do you want the Australians back? You say...

POLICEMAN: Definitely, definitely. We really want them to come back but they must come up clear what they're here for.

It seems that both the police command and members of the rank and file formed the view that one of Australia's principal objectives was intelligence gathering.

POLICEMAN: When they come up here what we thought, they were here to assist us. But when they come up here they sort of put up all sorts of wiring system and put a radar or whatever it just goes the disk and they were trying to get information right from here straight to Canberra. That's what we were thinking, you see. It was directed down to Canberra.

REPORTER: So they were spying?

POLICEMAN: That's what we were thinking. Spying or trying to destabilise the police department or - we're not really sure but that's what we were thinking along.

ALEXANDER DOWNER: To help the Papua New Guinea Government fulfil its objective of addressing the issue of corruption. It's obviously, as the PM of Papua New Guinea has said, a major issue for Papua New Guinea....

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Don't you think you are corrupting my mind also? You can't refuse 800 million, you must accept it. Don't you think it's a corruption? When you impose your will upon me to accept your money, I think fair and reasonableness and understanding each other, mutual understanding are better ways of solving issues, not imposition of money.

REPORTER: Why don't you say this to Alexander Downer?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: I'm now saying it to you. When you play this one he will know, he will know my views..

I believe this year will be successful for our government. We'll celebrate our 30th anniversary of independence, an important occasion for our country.

Telling Australia to back off is no easy call for Somare. PNG needs all the help it can get.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: When the Australian Government administered us, when they gave us independence, we only had graduates.

It's the second time Somare has struggled with his powerful neighbour over his country's independence. Success in 1975 wasn't easy but was relatively amicable compared to today. He has no doubt that parts of the Australian Government would like to see him gone.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: There are elements of people who probably don't like the old leadership like mine. But what can you do when majority of people of Papua New Guinea still love the old fella and allow him to run up front? What can you do? You're not going to destroy me like that. Not easily. No.

REPORTER: They've got to deal with you.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Yeah, they've got to deal with me.

Back in the village, Somare is in his home preparing for a ritual in the men's house. His sons mishandled sacred objects during an initiation ceremony they didn't complete. He's now concerned for their safety.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: No, I didn't want anything to happen to my son and my sons so I have to sort this problem out and put the images and everything back to a safe place.

His sons should be by his side today to complete their initiation, but neither have turned up - one a businessman, the other a politician who should be the next chief.

REPORTER: What will you say to your son? He didn't come.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: He didn't come. Oh, he'll pay the price. He'll pay the price. He has to get a number of pigs to give to the villagers down there. This one in the other village. That's his problem.

REPORTER: You'll look after his safety though.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: I'm looking after his safety but that's his problem to come and sort things out. Yeah, there'll be a price to be a chief here.

REPORTER: There's your son, he's followed you into politics but he's not really following you into the chiefly life.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: No, no, they never grew up here. We only come for - when they come for holidays.

REPORTER: Does that make you sad though? You know, this has been a long line. This is hundreds of years old, probably thousands of years old and it's coming to an end.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Yeah, well, you know, it's sad it's coming to the end because most of these people who are standing around here, most of these, they have forgotten it all. They now speaking pidgin and it has killed the enthusiasm of the tradition.

The chief enters the inner sanctum of the men's house to appease and properly put away the sacred images.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: I'm the custodian of these images. They have spirit, the power with them. For a Westener you think, "Oh, they're just image, what in them?" But if you decide to stay for a couple of days here, you will feel the effect of the movement in your own body.

REPORTER: Should I film these or not film these?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: This one you can take it but the one on the top, no.

REPORTER: If you come and you put these away properly then your son will be safe whereas if you don't do it properly...

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Yes, that's right, if don't do it properly anything - the evil, evil can curse on him.

REPORTER: Does your son know you've come to do this?

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Yes. He knows? Both of them know I'm here to do this because I told them, you know, and I didn't want anything to happen.

REPORTER: They're taking a bit of a risk.

SIR MICHAEL SOMARE: Yes, yes, yes.

Whatever the future holds for Papua New Guinea, it's unlikely it will ever have a leader quite like Michael Somare - still on an incredible journey across two worlds.